The Persian Royal Road was an ancient highway built by the Persian king Darius I in the 5th Century BCE. Darius built the road to facilitate rapid communication throughout his very large empire from Susa to Sardis. These couriers could travel 1,677 miles (2,699 km) in seven days. Most of our knowdelge about the Road comes from the Greek historian Herodotus who wrote, "There is nothing in the world that travels faster than these Persian couriers." Herodotus" praise for these messengers — "Neither snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents them from accomplishing the task proposed to them with the very utmost speed" — is the inspiration for the unofficial motto of postal carriers.
Since the time of Herodotus the course of the road has been reconstructed by archeological research, and other historical records. The Road began in the west in Sardis (about 60 miles east of Izmir in present-day Turkey), traveled east through what is now the middle northern section of Turkey to the old Assyrian capital Nineveh (present-day Mosul, Iraq), then traveled south to Babylon (present-day Baghdad, Iraq). From near Babylon, it is believed to have split into two routes, one traveling northwest then west through Ecbatana and on along the Silk Road, the other continuing east through the future Persian capital Susa (in present-day Iran) and then southeast to Persepolis.
Herodotus describes the road between Sardes and Susa as follow (Histories 5.52-53):

Everywhere there are royal stations with excellent resting places, and the whole road runs through country which is inhabited and safe.
Through Lydia and Phrygia there extend twenty stages, amounting to 520 kilometers.
After Phrygia succeeds the river Halys, at which there is a gate which one must needs pass through in order to cross the river, and a strong guard-post is established there.
Then after crossing over into Cappadocia it is by this way twenty-eight stages, being 572 kilometers, to the borders of Cilicia.
On the borders of the Cilicians you will pass through two sets of gates and guard-posts: then after passing through these it is three stages, amounting to 85 kilometers, to journey through Cilicia.
The boundary of Cilicia and Armenia is a navigable river called Euphrates. In Armenia the number of stages with resting-places is fifteen, and 310 kilometers, and there is a guard-post on the way.
Then from Armenia, when one enters the land of Matiene, there are thirty-four stages, amounting to 753 kilometers. Through this land flow four navigable rivers, which can not be crossed but by ferries, first the Tigris, then a second and third called both by the same name, Zabatus, though they are not the same river and do not flow from the same region (for the first-mentioned of them flows from the Armenian land and the other from that of the Matienians), and the fourth of the rivers is called Gyndes [...].
Passing thence into the Cissian land, there are eleven stages, 234 kilometers, to the river Choaspes, which is also a navigable stream; and upon this is built the city of Susa. The number of these stages amounts in all to one hundred and eleven.
This is the number of stages with resting-places, as one goes up from Sardes to Susa. If the royal road has been rightly measured [...] the number of kilometers from Sardes to the palace of Memnon is 2500. So if one travels 30 kilometers each day, some ninety days are spent on the journey.

Because the road did not follow the shortest nor the easiest route between the important cities of the Persian Empire, archeologists believe the western-most sections of the road may have originally been built by the Assyrian kings, as the road plunges through the heart of their old empire. More eastern segments of the road (in present-day northern Iran) are coincident with the major trade route known as the Silk Road. However, Darius I made the Royal Road as it is recognized today by improving the road bed and connecting the parts together in a unified whole, primarily as a quick mode of communication using the kingdom"s pirradazi?, or messengers. Our information about pirradazi? come from a number of tablets at Persopolis. These tablets refer to the system of horse changing on the Royal road that was called pirradazi? (a word related to modern Persian pishtaz, "post"). From these tablets, we know a lot about the continuation of the road from Susa through the formidable Persian gate to Persepolis -23 stages and a distance of 552 kilometers- and about other main roads in the Achaemenid empire. No less important was, for example, the road that connected Babylon and Ecbatana, which crossed the Royal road near Opis, and continued to the holy city of Zoroastrianism, Rhagae. This road continued to the far east and was later known as Silk road.
Herodotus describes the pirradazi? ,for which he uses another name, in very laudatory words:
There is nothing mortal which accomplishes a journey with more speed than these messengers, so skillfully has this been invented by the Persians. For they say that according to the number of days of which the entire journey consists, so many horses and men are set at intervals, each man and horse appointed for a day"s journey. Neither snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents them from accomplishing the task proposed to them with the very utmost speed. The first one rides and delivers the message with which he is charged to the second, and the second to the third; and after that it goes through them handed from one to the other, as in the torch race among the Greeks, which they perform for Hephaestus. This kind of running of their horses the Persians call angareion.

The construction of the road as improved by Darius was of such quality that the road continued to be used into Roman times. A bridge at Diyarbakir, Turkey still stands from this period of the road"s use. Unfortunatly, the remains of this road will soon go under water as the construction of the Sivand Dam reaches it"s last stages. Archaeologists are currently doing their best to save the site by making new discoveries before the watering of the Dam takes place at the end of May.

Pasargadae was a city in ancient Persia, and is today an archaeological site. Its ruins lie 87 km (54 mi) northeast of Persepolis, in present Fars province of Iran, and was the first capital of the Persian Empire. The construction of the capital city by Cyrus the Great, begun in 546 BCE or later, was left unfinished, for Cyrus died in battle in 530 BCE or 529 BCE.
The archaeological site covers 1.6 square kilometres, and includes a structure commonly believed to be the mausoleum of Cyrus, the fortress of Tall-e Takht sitting on top of a nearby hill, and the remains of two royal palaces and gardens. The gardens provide the earliest known example of the Persian chahar bagh, or four-fold garden design.
Although there are many important monuments at Pasargadae, I am going to concentrate on one that is undoubtedly the most important of all; the Tomb of Cyrus the Great.
The tomb has six broad steps leading to the sepulchre, the chamber of which measures 3.17 m long by 2.11 m wide by 2.11 m high, and has a low and narrow entrance. The style and construction of the tomb show strong connections with Anatolian tombs of a similar period. In particular, the tomb at Pasargadae has almost exactly the same dimensions as the tomb of Alyattes II, father of the Lydian King Croesus. (Croesus was spared by Cyrus during the conquest of Lydia, and became a member of Cyrus" court.) Some scholars believe that Cyrus may have "imported" Lydian stonemasons for the construction of the tomb. In general, the art and architecture found at Pasargadae exemplified the Persian synthesis of various traditions, drawing on precedents from Elam, Babylon, Assyria, and ancient Egypt, with the addition of some Anatolian influences.
The most detailed account about the tomb come from one of Alexander"s warriors, Aristobulus who was ordered to enter the tomb when Alexander decided to pay a visit to the Tomb of Cyrus the Great. Aristobulus describes the seen as such:

The tomb was in the royal park at Pasargadae; a grove of various sorts of trees had been planted round it; there were streams of running water and a meadow with lush grass. The base of the monument was rectangular, built of stone slabs cut square, and on top was a roofed chamber, also built of stone, with access through a door so narrow that only one man at a time - and a little one at that - could manage, with great difficulty, painfully to squeeze himself through.
Inside the chamber there was a golden coffin containing Cyrus" body, and a great divan with feet of hammered gold, spread with covers of some thick, brightly colored material, with a Babylonian rug on top. Tunics and a candys -or Median jacket- of Babylonian workmanship were laid out on the divan, and Median trousers, various robes dyed in amethyst, purple, and many other colors, necklaces, scimitars, and inlaid earrings of gold and precious stones. A table stood by it, and in the middle of it lay the coffin which held Cyrus" body.
Within the enclosure, by the way which led up to the tomb, a small building had been constructed for the Magi who guarded it, a duty which had been handed down from father to son ever since the time of Cyrus" son, Cambyses. They had a grant from the King of a sheep a day, with an allowance of meal and wine, and one horse a month to sacrifice to Cyrus. There was an inion on the tomb in Persian, signifying:

"O man, I am Cyrus son of Cambyses, who founded the empire of Persia and ruled over Asia. Do not grudge me my monument."

Account has it that Alexander had always intended to visit the Tomb of Cyrus the Great. But by the time he got the chance to make this dream come true he found that all it contained except the divan and the coffin had been removed. Even the royal remains had not escaped desecration, for the thieves had taken the lid from the coffin and thrown out the body; from the coffin itself they had chipped or broken various bits in an attempt to reduce its weight sufficiently to enable them to get it away. However, they were unsuccessful and went off without it.
Aristobulus tells us that he himself received orders from Alexander to put the monument into a state of thorough repair: he was to restore to tie coffin what was still preserved of the body and replace the lid; to put right all damage to the coffin itself, fit the divan with new strapping, and to replace with exact replicas of the originals every single with which it had previously been adorned; and, finally, to do away with the door into the chamber by building it in with stone, covered by a coat of plaster, on which was to be set the royal seal. Alexander also had the Magians who were guarding the monument at the time arrested and punished.
During the Islamic conquest of Iran, the Arab armies came upon the tomb and planned to destroy it, considering it to be in direct violation of the tenets of Islam. The caretakers of the grave managed to convince the Arab command that the tomb was not built to honor Cyrus, but instead housed the mother of King Solomon, thus sparing it from destruction. As a result, the inion in the tomb was replaced by a verse of the Qur"an, and the tomb became known as "Qabr-e Madar-e Sulaiman," or the tomb of the mother of Solomon. It is still widely known by that name today.
I wrote this post since lately there has been many talks about the Seyvand Dam and how its construction may possibly destroy this 2,500- year- old historical ruin. The Seyvand Dam is schedual to open at the end of May 2006 and currently many archaeologists are working at the area that will soon be covered under water.
Also see the biography of Cyrus the Great and some pictures that I took while visiting the area.

The tradition of leaving the house on the thirteenth (Sizdah) day of Farvardin, the last day of the Norooz period, and spending that day outside with joy, laughter and pleasure has been in practice since ancient times in Iran. This is the last phase of the celebrations of the New Year ( Norouz). This joyous celebration has its roots in the Zoroastrian belief that laughter and joy symbolize the throwing away of bad thoughts. According to Zoroastrianism, bad thoughts are the gift of Ahreeman (the devil) and his offspring and the festival of the New Year will cleanse all bad thoughts. The celebrations defeat the enemies and plant shoots of comradeship and peace. The custom of kissing each other on the cheeks also comes from a belief that it cleanses the individual.

On the last day of the New Year celebrations, the 13th of the first month Farvardin, it is the custom of Iranians to pass as many hours as possible outdoors. All people leave their homes to go to the parks or local plains for a very festive picnic. It is a must to spend this day in nature and the occasion is called Sizdah-Bedar. It is generally believed that if people stay home something bad can happen.

This day was not celebrated in this manner before Islam and might be several rituals in one. It is possible that this day was devoted to the deity Tishtrya (Tir), protector of rain. In the Zoroastrian calendar each day is named after a deity and this particular day in the month of Farvardin is named after Tishtrya. In the past there were outdoor festivities to pray to this Eyzad in hope of rain that was essential for agriculture. The act of throwing away the Sabzeh from Haft Seen into rivers and running waters on this day also indicates veneration for a water deity. The act symbolically represents an offering made to such a deity.

However, Anahita was the goddess protector of running waters and not Tishtrya. It appears that at least part of the celebration is to pay respect to some water deity. Tishtrya/rain or Anahita/water are likely mixed together to preserve veneration for water deities in general. In ancient mythology the deity Vata the rain-bringer was associated with Harahvati Aredvi Sura, which means possessing waters (Anahita is a later assimilation of this deity). She personified a mythical river and all rivers flow out of this one. Clouds also took up rain from the same mythical river every year. Tishtrya goes to the river once per year in the shape of a white stallion to fight the Demon of Dearth appearing in the shape of a black stallion. After Tishtrya’s victory he rushes into the sea and water is hurried all over, and Vata snatches some for the clouds. The rest of the water is mixed with seeds of plants, which sprout as the rain falls. Ancient Iranian rituals quite often enacted their mythologies, waters were respected and many rites existed with respect to waters. It is very likely that several of these were combined to preserve some aspect of the ancient celebrations venerating waters. Till the 19th century there was horse racing on this day, which very likely represented the fight between the two stallions.

Another account of Zorastrian folk stories mentiones that twelve devilish spirits sent by Ahreeman are eating away at the 12 pillars of the world all year around, and at the end of the year when the pillars are on the verge of collapse, the evil spirits come to earth to celebrate. While they are dancing with joy, during the first 12 days of Norooz, the pillars are restored to their original state due to the people"s joy, celebrations and goodwill. The bad spirits will again start eating away at the pillars on the thirteenth day of the year hoping to topple the world once again. The first twelve days of the year were therefore considered particularly significant and had the important duty of safekeeping the world and the lives of people on earth. The thirteenth day of the year was considered the beginning of the normal period of the year.

In Iranian stories it is stated that the world’s length of life is 12 thousand years and the number 12 is taken from the 12 months of the year. On expiry of the 12000 years, the world’s lifespan is over and the world’s population has the prime duty of fighting against Ahreeman. On the expiry of 12000 years, according to Zoroastrian folklore, the people will completely defeat the Ahreeman and with the appearance of Shoosaianet, the last face of Ahreeman will be destroyed and the war of Ahooramazda against Ahreeman will result in Ahooramazda"s absolute victory. From then onward there will not exist a materialistic earth and the people will return to their permanent place in the heavenly body "Minoo" enjoying universal happiness, peace and tranquility.

Iranians today regard this day as a bad omen and believe that by going into the fields and parks they avoid the misfortunes that could befall them. This notion is contrary to the Zoroastrian doctrine where all days were regarded as sacred and were named after venerated deities. According to Muslim’s popular belief, the 13th day of the month is a day with unfortunate consequences (nahs in Islamic terminology); therefore Iranians could have combined the two. By going outdoors into the fields, the ancient festivities were observed while the Islamic ideas are also incorporated into the occasion. Muslims today still have a prayer for rain called ‘namaz e baran’, which is used at times of prolonged drought.

All kinds of food and delicacies are prepared with tea, local drinks, fruits, bread, cheese and fresh herbs, noodle soup called ‘ash-e reshteh’ and herbed rice with lamb (baqali polo and bareh) are favorites. The wealthy Iranians will spend the day in their country homes and estates, while the entire day will be spent in their gardens. The occasion is a communal one and all close relatives and friends will participate. Wheat or barley shoots (sabzeh) that are grown especially for New Year and are kept throughout the festivities are discarded in nature mainly in running waters and small rivers at the end of the day. Another tradition on the 13th, is the knotting of blades of grass by unmarried girls in the hope of finding a husband. The knotting of the grass represents the bondage of a man and a woman. The picnic ends with the setting of the sun. The occasion has no religious significance and is celebrated by all.

Also see Norooz festival, Mehregan Festival and the Tirgan Celebration.

Mardonius (d. 479 BC) was a Persian commander during the Persian Wars with Greece in the 5th century BC. He was the son of Gobryas, a Persian nobleman who had assisted the Achaemenid prince Darius when he claimed the throne. Darius, Gobryas and five others had killed the Magian who had usurped the throne, Gaumâta, on September 29, 522 BCE. As usual, the alliance between the new king and his friend was cemented by diplomatic marriages: Darius married Gobryas" daughter, and Gobryas married Darius" sister. That Mardonius was the last-mentioned couple"s firstborn son is very likely, because he has the same name as Gobryas" father (which is known from the Behistun inion).
Stories about Mardonius usually divert at this point. There are two acounts usually used as the source of information for his life. One is the not so accurate Herodotus who sees him as the army general of his enemy and the other are the information writen here and there on tablets and walls which attempt to demonstrate the Persian"s account of his life.
From a cuneiform tablet known as Persepolis Fortification tablet 684, we know that Mardonius was married to a woman named Ardu?namuya. This text was written in March 495, which offers a terminus ante quem for the wedding ceremony. This contradicts the words of the Greek researcher Herodotus, who states that Mardonius was still "being a young man and recently married to Artozostre, a daughter of king Darius" in 492 (Histories 6.43). On the other hand, there is no reason to doubt Herodotus" words that Artozostre/Ardu?namuya was the daughter of Darius and his beloved wife Artystone.
As special representative of king Darius the Great, Mardonius was sent to Lydia (western Turkey) after the revolt of the Ionian Greeks (499-494). He had to reorganize the region, and did so in a very moderate way.

Mardonius sailed along the coast of Asia and came to Ionia. I shall now relate a thing that will be a great marvel to the Greeks: Mardonius deposed all the sole rulers of the Ionians and established democracies in the cities.
[Herodotus, Histories 6.43]

His fleet and army then passed across the Hellespont. Here, Herodotus writes that the fleet was destroyed in a storm off of Mount Athos; and the Persians lost 300 ships and 20 000 men. Mardonius himself was commanding the army at the time, which was fighting a battle in Thrace. Mardonius was wounded, but was victorious. The navy and the army continued to Macedonia, which was added to Darius" kingdom as well. After his enormous victories and partly as a result of the loss of his fleet in the strom he retreated back into Asia Minor. Mardonius had been very successful. There are indications that his army reached the Danube, because an Old Persian inion was discovered near K?lmer in Rumania. (The possibility that the inion was brought to Rumania from its original site, however, can not be ruled out.) The conquest of Macedonia was important, as it was a fine base for further conquests in Europe and posessed gold mines. Darius was fully entitled to claim in his inion at Naq?-i Rustam that he had conquered the Yaunâ takabarâ, the "Greeks with sun hats", a reference to the Macedonian headwear.
In 490, the Persians conquered the islands in the Aegean Sea, but Mardonius, who had already lost a fleet, was not in charge of this expedition. The 600 ships were commanded by Datis and Artaphernes. Herodotus again presents the expedition as a punitive action against Eretria and Athens, who had supported the Ionian revolt. But he is almost certainly wrong, because the army was too small to attack Athens. In reality, the aims of the expedition of Datis and Artaphernes were to add the Aegean island Naxos to the empire, and, in doing so, to create a buffer zone between Ionia and the Greek mainland. They also had to conquer Euboea (with its capital Eretria) and bring back the former ruler of Athens, the pro-Persian tyrant Hippias. The expedition succeeded brilliantly. Except for their last ive, everything went according to plan.
Having conquered Macedonia and the Aegean islands, Darius could attack the Greek mainland whenever he desired. This would be a difficult expedition because the Greek soldiers were better equipped than the Persians and their subjects. Therefore, the Persians had to muster a very large army, but king Darius the Great died shortly before it was to set out (November 486). He was succeeded by his son Xerxes, Mardonius" cousin and brother-in-law.
Mardonius came back into favour under Xerxes I. Xerxes was at first not interested in renewing the war with Greece, but Mardonius repeatedly tried to convince him that he must avenge Darius" defeat, in opposition to another advisor, Artabanus, who urged more caution in the matter. Herodotus, who portrays Mardonius as somewhat of an evil advisor (as opposed to a number of other good advisors whose arguments are never followed), says that Mardonius simply wanted to become the governor of Greece.
Right before the expedition to Greece however, a rebellion in Egypt started, postponing the newly formed expedition plans. Immediately after this revolt, Xerxes, Mardonius, Megabyzus and four other commanders could go to the west, where a large army was gathering in Sardis.
The first year of the expedition was a big success. The Persians were not in a hurry, because they had an enormous army (about 600,000 men) and had to wait for the harvest in Thrace and Macedonia. In July and August, they stayed at Therma (Thessaloniki), and then moved south to Greece. Thessaly was conquered without much troubles, and on 17, 18 and 19 September (or one day later) a double battle took place. The Persian navy was able to drive the Greek navy away from its positions at Artemisium, and the army destroyed the Greek garrison at Thermopylae.
Boeotia was added to the Achaemenid empire, and on September 27, Athens was captured; next day, the acropolis fell and the Persian navy ocuupied the Athenian harbor. Persian cavalry destroyed the sanctuary of Poseidon near Corinth and fired burning arrows at one of the Corinthian harbors.
Xerxes" victory was almost complete. The Greek navy had fled to Salamis, an island opposite the harbor of Athens, separated from the mainland by a narrow strait. Unfortunately, when a part of the Persian navy tried to attack the Greek positions on Salamis, they suffered heavy losses. This was a minor setback. At this point, Herodotus writes that after the loss at Salamis, Mardonius attempted to convince Xerxes to stay and fight yet another battle. This time he could not persuade Xerxes, but when Xerxes left he did become governor of the parts of Greece that had been conquered. In the Persian accounts, Xerxes motive for retreating from the war was unsettelments at Babylonia. There were disturbing rumors, and Xerxes decided that it was better that he went back to Sardes, where he could keep an eye on both Greece and Babylonia. It was a wise decision. In the summer of 479, the Babylonians revolted again (this time, their leader was ?ama?-eriba) and Xerxes had to suppress their rebellion.
Meanwhile, Mardonius was left in charge of the Persian army in Greece. His army was comparatively small, probably 150,000 men. After all, the main army was needed at the main battle ground, Babylonia. To feed his men, he had to retire to Thessaly, from where he opened negotiations with Athens. He offered the town a beautiful position in the Achaemenid empire if only they recognized the overlordship of king Xerxes. It was a brilliant move, because if the Athenians accepted this offer, there was no navy to protect southern Greece anymore. The Athenians had much to gain from the deal, because they would become the most important city state in Greece. However, they stubbornly refused.
In the spring, Mardonius marched to the south again, reoccupying Boeotia and moving to Athens. He hoped that the Athenians would be more forthcoming, but he was wrong. Having received a new refusal to surrender, Mardonius plundered Athens. (Archaeologists digging in Persepolis have discovered a statue of Penelope that was probably taken away from Athens.)
It seemed that Mardonius was master of the situation. The Spartans, who had the best infantry of Greece, refused to assist the Athenians. It was only after an ultimatum by the Athenians that if they did not come to their help, they would be forced to surrender and give their navy to Mardonius, that Sparta acted. It sent an army to the north and invited all Greeks to join in the struggle for the liberation of Greece.
The Greeks gathered in the south of Boeotia, on the foothills of the Kithaeron mountain range. Their counted some 100,000 soldiers; almost every Greek able to carry weapons had come Boeotia. For example, the Athenians had manned only a few galleys; all rowers and marines were now on Mount Kithaeron. This Greek army was unable to move into the plain, because they could not afford to go far beyond the sources at the foothills. After all, August can be very hot in Greece. Since no side dared to advance, a war of nerves started.
Herodotus, who is our main source for the battle of Plataea, describes several engagements that take place on several days. A Persian cavalry squadron tried to provoke the Greek contingent from Megara, but was defeated. After this success, the Greeks decided to leave the mountains and to descend into the plain between the river Asopus and a small town called Plataea, where a large source in the middle of the plain (near the hill in the middle of the map) would refresh them. All this time, the two armies refrained from real attacks, because they received the same omens: they would only be victorious when the other side attacked first (and moved away from its water supply).
Mardonius however, was in a hurry. His supplies were running out, he could see the Greek army growing every day and one of his advisors has already suggested to return to Thessaly and use gold and silver to bribe the Greek leaders. Mardonius would have none of it: he still hoped to settle the matter with honorable, military means.
To stop the growth of the other army, he unexpectedly and successfully attacked a large supply train in the Kithaeron. Short cavalry charges, meant to provoke his enemies into battle, were executed, but the Greeks wisely resisted the temptation.
Herodotus tells that one night, a Persian ally, the Macedonian king Alexander, came to visit the Athenians, telling them that the Persians would attack at dawn. Immediately, the Athenian officers informed the supreme commander of the Greeks, the Spartan prince Pausanias. He understood that if the Persians attacked, it would be saver to have the well trained Spartans on the defensive left wing to counter the Persian main force, and to post the experienced Athenians -already victorious at Marathon- on the offensive right wing. At dawn, the two contingents changed positions. After reports of a Persian counter-manoeuvre, the two Greek contingents return to their original positions.
He seems to have misunderstood the incident. It is implausible that Alexander of Macedonia could leave the Persian camp without being seen. It is likelier that Mardonius sent the Macedonian king on his mission. It was a brilliant trick to create panic among the Greeks, who started all kinds of exhausting movements.
In this way, the day passed without fighting, and Mardonius became even more anxious to attack. During the night, his mounted archers attacked the source between Plataea and the Asopus, hoping to force the Greek troops to go back to the south, to the sources on the slopes of the Kithaeron mountains. They stood their ground during the day -being continually harassed by the Persian archers- but after sunset, they retreated as Mardonius had planned.
At dawn, Mardonius learned that his opponents had fled, and thinking he had already won the battle, ordered the pursuit of the Greeks. He first attacked the Spartans, who were forced back. Pausanias even had to sent a messenger to ask the Athenians for help, but they were unable to offer assistance, because they were intercepted by Mardonius" Greek allies. One of the Persian contingents even broke through the Greek battle array and reached the foothills of the Kithaeron.
At this moment, while he was pursuing the retiring Spartans, Mardonius was killed. It is not known how this happened, but we can be sure that Mardonius, who knew that his army had been victorious, died as a happy man.
This incident changed the battle, because the Persians lost courage, which gave the Spartans a brief pause. They were able to regroup and attack the Persian contingent in front of them. The struggle did not last long: the demoralized Persians took their heels. The Persian camp was captured by the Athenians, and that meant the end of the war. One of Mardonius subordinates, Artabazus, was able to lead a large Persian contingent back to Asia, for which he was rewarded by Xerxes, who offered him the satrapy of Hellespontine Phrygia, i.e., the northwest of what is now Turkey.
Herodotus has a very strange story to tell about an event that took place after the battle.

To the Greek audience of Herodotus, this made perfect sense, but a Persian would be shocked to hear this. It was not their custom to bury the dead. Zoroastrianists preferred to have their bodies exposed to the vultures.

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